{"@context":"http://iiif.io/api/presentation/3/context.json","id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/iiif/pz51g0kv7v/manifest","type":"Manifest","label":{"en":["[Morse debate topics], 1959"]},"logo":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/organizations/logo_images/000/000/029/original/uo-logo-hires.png?1580744881","metadata":[{"label":{"en":["Identifier"]},"value":{"en":["Coll 001 (Collection Call Number)","Coll001_24_183 (Digital Object ID)"]}},{"label":{"en":["Description"]},"value":{"en":["came in box with \"Civil Rights Debate\", \"Forand Morse Bill\" and \"Nuclear Armament Race\" on it; Morse in Washington (Abstract)","16mm film, 450 ft., b\u0026amp;w, sound (Physdesc)"]}},{"label":{"en":["Date"]},"value":{"en":["1959 (Creation)"]}},{"label":{"en":["Source Metadata URI"]},"value":{"en":["https://scua.uoregon.edu/repositories/2/archival_objects/673551"]}}],"summary":{"en":["came in box with \"Civil Rights Debate\", \"Forand Morse Bill\" and \"Nuclear Armament Race\" on it; Morse in Washington","16mm film, 450 ft., b\u0026amp;w, sound"]},"provider":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/aboutus","type":"Agent","label":{"en":["University of Oregon Libraries"]},"homepage":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/","type":"Text","label":{"en":["University of Oregon Libraries"]},"format":"text/html"}],"logo":[{"id":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/organizations/logo_images/000/000/029/original/uo-logo-hires.png?1580744881","type":"Image"}]}],"thumbnail":[{"id":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/collection_resource_files/thumbnails/000/261/261/small/001-24-183.mp4_1738351480.jpg?1738351481","type":"Image","format":"image/jpeg"}],"items":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141314/file/261261","type":"Canvas","label":{"en":["Media File 1 of 1 - 001-24-183.mp4"]},"duration":848.64,"width":640,"height":360,"thumbnail":[{"id":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/collection_resource_files/thumbnails/000/261/261/small/001-24-183.mp4_1738351480.jpg?1738351481","type":"Image","format":"image/jpeg"}],"items":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141314/file/261261/content/1","type":"AnnotationPage","items":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141314/file/261261/content/1/annotation/1","type":"Annotation","motivation":"painting","body":{"id":"https://aviary-p-universityoforegonlibraries.s3.wasabisys.com/collection_resource_files/resource_files/000/261/261/original/001-24-183.mp4?1738351478","type":"Video","format":"video/mp4","duration":848.64,"width":640,"height":360},"target":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141314/file/261261","metadata":[]}]}],"annotations":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141314/file/261261/transcript/76205","type":"AnnotationPage","label":{"en":["AUTO_TRINT_001-24-183.mp4 [Transcript]"]},"items":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141314/file/261261/transcript/76205/annotation/1","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"\u003cstrong\u003eSpeaker 1:\u003c/strong\u003e Fellow Oregonians. I've been asked to make a report on this telecast about what percentage of the United States has been doing since we convened last January. In making the report, I want to say that I think this probably has been the most frustrating session of the Senate during any year of my 16 years in the Senate. And the reason for it is that we have been bogged down, so to speak, with many weeks of debate over civil rights. In fact, we've been debating civil rights in the Senate now for about eight weeks. The reason is that the committees haven't been able to meet the Appropriations Committee. At least some subcommittees of Appropriations have had a few meetings, but most of the committees haven't even been meeting, except for the last few days when we started some committee work again. And what does this mean? It means we already have a tremendous logjam of legislation awaiting action by the Senate. And I doubt very much if we're going to be able to pass very much of it, because July is just around the corner. And I don't have to tell you that the Senate isn't going to carry in Washington very much after July 1st. But on the civil rights issue, I thought you might be interested in some of the problems that confronted me as a senator and the other senators and as to why we haven't been able to make more progress. But the first reason we haven't been able to make progress is that the Southern senators have conducted one of the longest filibusters in the history of the Senate. In fact, all records have been broken as far as the number of weeks of continuous discussion is concerned. The individual speeches, however, have not been long because the Southern senators have divided up their time so that each senator only speaks for 2 to 3 and at most, four hours before he's relieved by another senator. And they can do it because they have 18 senators on their so-called filibuster deal and they just work in relays. Now, among the issues that we're fighting for, I think I ought to point out that those of us who have fought for so long in the Senate for putting legislative meaning into the 14th and 15th Amendment, thought that we ought to have what we've called an omnibus civil rights bill. In other words, we ought to have a civil rights bill that would cover a good many civil rights issues. But I want to say very frankly, I think it's generally recognized now that there isn't a hope of a so-called broad general omnibus civil rights bill. What is hoped for is that we might be able to pass a meaningful voter's rights bill. But I am I'm somewhat discouraged as to whether or not we'll even be able to come out with a good voting rights bill. And why? Well, it's very technical. It involves a lot of legal abstractions. But I'll try to make clear what I consider to be 1 or 2 major issues involved in the voting rights civil rights bill that we're now debating. The administration has proposed a so-called referee plan whereby the colored people would be put on the voting books of the South by order of a referee. But the difficulty with the referee plan, and I hope I could make this clear, is it results in a case by case action. In other words, under the referee plan, the referee, a federal referee has to find that the Negro that is concerned is being discriminated against. In other words, he's being denied the right to register. So what happens? He has to first come in and show that he's been denied the right to register. Then the referee has to find out whether or not, in fact, he's being discriminated against or whether there's some good reason why he's not being registered. And then after the referee decides that there is an issue of discrimination involved, then this individual Negro has to come forward as the complainant. In other words, he has to be the one that, in effect, is the principal in the charge and he has to make the complaint. And so the referee then proceed case by case. Now, what does that mean? What it means at best that you may get a few hundred Negroes registered in one year when what we need are tens of thousands registered because tens of thousands of Negroes in this country are being denied first class citizenship. But that's the administration, Bill. And I want to point out that we had the 1957 civil rights bill passed, and we haven't had a single voting rights case yet based upon a complaint showing that some particular individual is not being allowed to vote in some southern area. We haven't had a single one of those cases go through the courts yet to a final determination. That's what's wrong with the referee. It's going to take so long that there's practically no hope of getting very many Negroes actually registered. But there is a second factor that you have to look at the psychological problem involved in the referee plan. Just assume for a moment that you're a colored person, that you work in a grocery store. Let's say in Atlanta, Georgia. You went down to the courthouse and tried to register and you were not allowed to register. One pretense or another was used against you that prevented you from voting you as in Georgia. And they actually do this. You are asked who is the chairman of the Georgia Welfare Commission? Who is the chairman of the Georgia Labor Commission? How is an amendment added to the Constitution of Georgia? Well, now, you know just as well as I do that thousands and thousands of white people couldn't and couldn't answer those questions if they had to answer them in order to get registered to vote. But the fact is, they're not asked to answer such questions. Only the Negroes. And then the registrars say, well, we didn't register this Negro because he doesn't have the educational qualifications. He couldn't answer the questions that we put to him. Well, now let's assume that you go down and you're failed in an examination for registration because of those questions, and you then go back to the referee and you say, Well, it's obvious they don't want me to vote. They're using these questions in order to prevent me to vote. And then the referee investigates and he finds that that's exactly what the situation is. You're not being allowed to vote because of discrimination. What do you have to do then, as a Negro? You have to then bring your complaint. You have to bring the charge. Now, let's face up to the realities. What really happens is that various indirect pressures are put on Negroes in such a position. And this Negro, assuming that you're the Negro working in a grocery store in Atlanta, Georgia, will likely find yourself without a job the day after you bring your complaint, because that's the testimony before us. That's the evidence before us. That kind of pressure is brought to bear on the Negroes of the South. Now, what have we been proposing as an alternative to the administration's recovery plan? We've been proposing the so-called enrollment plan whereby the federal court, once the federal judge finds that a pattern of discrimination exists in some community against allowing Negroes to register to vote. That federal judge would be allowed to appoint a federal comptroller, a federal official acting for the federal court. And once he finds the pattern of discrimination exists, then that federal official would be allowed to register Negroes to vote in the election. That means that thousands of Negroes would be registered. That would give real meaning to the 15th Amendment of the Constitution, which guarantees the constitutional right to vote, which has been denied in many places in the South. And that's why you've heard me say so many times. We have a duty, a moral duty to see to it that the first class citizenship of the 15th Amendment is given meaning in our country. And that's why I'm fighting for the broader civil rights bill. Now, I don't know what I'm going to finally do in my final vote on civil rights. If they come forward with a good bill, I'll vote for it. But if they come forward again, as they did in 1957 with a bill that I thought was pretty much a shell, what both the yoke and the white of the eggs sucked out of it, so to speak, so that there was really no nutrition left in the egg. I'll vote against it. I do vote for a good civil rights bill, but I'm not going to vote for a hoax and a sham. And they've already got this voting rights bill in the Senate. Almost to the point where I have serious doubt as to whether or not I can vote for it. Now, there's another great issue that we're battling away on here in the Congress that I want to tell you about is the foreign Mars bill. It is the bill that seeks to give the old people of this country the health protection they need by way of health insurance after they reach the age of 65. It's a bill which provides that they will pay increased Social Security taxes during their working here. How much will they have to pay? Well, this is an actuary released on bail. The testimony before it shows that if they increase the Social Security tax about a quarter of 1%, and that will raise enough of an insurance fund to take care of the old people after they are 65 years of age so that there will be removed from the house tops of America. A hovering figure. A gnawing fear that an old person and at home, one suffering from a serious illness, may find that his or her life savings are wiped away with one serious illness, or a son or daughter or a sister or brother or some other relative that seeks to be a financial assistance to that old person who is sick may find that most of his or her savings are wiped away. But I've been fighting for the poor and Bill in the House and the companion bill in the Senate, which is the Morris bill, the bill that I introduced in 19 158. Unfortunately, the House committee just last week voted against reporting out the foreign bill. So it doesn't look very good as far as the House is concerned, that a bill will be passed on this subject in the House this year unless the Senate first passes the bill. Well, I'm not too encouraged about our competing hearings on the Mars bill in the Senate. But I'll tell you what I'm going to do. I'm going to do the same thing I did last year. I'm going to add the Morris bill providing health insurance for the old people of this country to some appropriate House appropriations bill when it comes over to the Senate from the House. And I'm going to try to get a roll call vote on the Mars Old People's Health Insurance bill this year. Now, I did that last year, but I couldn't get a roll call vote. I didn't get a very good debate on the subject matter, however, and I hope this year we can do even better. I hope we can get a vote and I hope we can pass the Morris Old Age Health Insurance bill, which is the companion bill of the friend Bill in the House. There are more and more people supporting it. You've been reading in the papers recently that some of the leading Democrats in the country, as well as Republicans, have come out for the principle of the Paran Morris bill. There's one other issue I want to cover very quickly is another issue in regard to this whole armament problem that confronts it. As I've said before, we're living in a paradox. We've got to maintain heavy armaments in order to keep ourselves secure against Russia. We've got to recognize at the same time that an armament race, a nuclear armament race is immoral, is bound to end up in war and not in peace. And therefore, I am fighting for the filling of the peace gap. There's so much talk about the missile gap. I'm talking about the peace gap. And we already find that we have wasted three billions of dollars in a so-called defense program of the Air Force against missiles. The Air Force just announced that it is discontinuing its so-called Mark program because it finds it is not a satisfactory defense against possible Russian missiles. $3 billion has gone down the drain. Now I'm going to vote for whatever substitute. We have to have to take the place of this missile program of the Air Force by way of a defense program. But I want you to remember, of all Oregonians, the real task that faces us is the task of developing an international understanding through the United Nations that will make it possible for us to have a sure proof, a foolproof and inspection program, a control approach, and an enforcement proof total disarmament program. That's the needs of the world today. That's the need for permanent peace.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141314/file/261261#t=20.39,830.82"}]},{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141314/file/261261/transcript/76205","type":"AnnotationPage","label":{"en":["English [Transcript]"]},"items":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141314/file/261261/transcript/76205/annotation/2","type":"Annotation","motivation":"subtitling","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/file_transcripts/associated_files/000/076/205/original/trint_001-24-183_transcript.vtt?1740082422","format":"text/vtt","language":"en"},"target":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/file_transcripts/associated_files/000/076/205/original/trint_001-24-183_transcript.vtt?1740082422"}]}]}]}