{"@context":"http://iiif.io/api/presentation/3/context.json","id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/iiif/m901z43r14/manifest","type":"Manifest","label":{"en":["[Yale protest film], 1964"]},"logo":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/organizations/logo_images/000/000/029/original/uo-logo-hires.png?1580744881","metadata":[{"label":{"en":["Identifier"]},"value":{"en":["Coll 001 (Collection Call Number)","Coll001_24_177 (Digital Object ID)"]}},{"label":{"en":["Description"]},"value":{"en":["Morse being interviewed about Vietnam; old label says special film for Yale student protest of the Vietnam war (Abstract)","16mm film, 500 ft., b\u0026amp;w, sound (Physdesc)"]}},{"label":{"en":["Date"]},"value":{"en":["1964 (Creation)"]}},{"label":{"en":["Source Metadata URI"]},"value":{"en":["https://scua.uoregon.edu/repositories/2/archival_objects/673679"]}}],"summary":{"en":["Morse being interviewed about Vietnam; old label says special film for Yale student protest of the Vietnam war","16mm film, 500 ft., b\u0026amp;w, sound"]},"provider":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/aboutus","type":"Agent","label":{"en":["University of Oregon Libraries"]},"homepage":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/","type":"Text","label":{"en":["University of Oregon Libraries"]},"format":"text/html"}],"logo":[{"id":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/organizations/logo_images/000/000/029/original/uo-logo-hires.png?1580744881","type":"Image"}]}],"thumbnail":[{"id":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/collection_resource_files/thumbnails/000/261/340/small/001-24-177.mp4_1738359361.jpg?1738359362","type":"Image","format":"image/jpeg"}],"items":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141357/file/261340","type":"Canvas","label":{"en":["Media File 1 of 1 - 001-24-177.mp4"]},"duration":1041.06667,"width":640,"height":360,"thumbnail":[{"id":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/collection_resource_files/thumbnails/000/261/340/small/001-24-177.mp4_1738359361.jpg?1738359362","type":"Image","format":"image/jpeg"}],"items":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141357/file/261340/content/1","type":"AnnotationPage","items":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141357/file/261340/content/1/annotation/1","type":"Annotation","motivation":"painting","body":{"id":"https://aviary-p-universityoforegonlibraries.s3.wasabisys.com/collection_resource_files/resource_files/000/261/340/original/001-24-177.mp4?1738359358","type":"Video","format":"video/mp4","duration":1041.06667,"width":640,"height":360},"target":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141357/file/261340","metadata":[]}]}],"annotations":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141357/file/261340/transcript/76204","type":"AnnotationPage","label":{"en":["AUTO_TRINT_001-24-177.mp4 [Transcript]"]},"items":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141357/file/261340/transcript/76204/annotation/1","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"\u003cstrong\u003eSpeaker 1:\u003c/strong\u003e Senator Morse, we'd like to thank you for being with us tonight. And spending with us is running against the war in Vietnam, and particularly in view of your very busy schedule. We'd like to ask you a few questions on this subject. First, let me say I am delighted to make this film for the Yale protest rally. I want to say that if we're going to stop an expanded war in Asia, the American people must face up to the fact that foreign policy belongs to them, not to the president of the United States. Under our Constitution, all the president is is an administrator of a people's foreign policy. And the people should insist on the facts about their foreign policy. And they're certainly not getting them in regard to Southeast Asia. And I think a protest rally such as the Yale students are conducting ought to be multiplied by the hundreds across America in the next few weeks so that this administration will understand that the American people want the facts about their foreign policy in Southeast Asia, and they want a justification which they have not been getting because all they've been getting has been propaganda, a justification for America's unilateral military action in Southeast Asia. I say nothing else on this film. I want to drive this point home. We prayed in the United States about supporting a rule of law as a substitute for the jungle law of military force in the field of foreign policy. But we are practicing the rule of law in Southeast Asia, and we ought to get back within the framework of the United Nations and apply the principles of international law to Southeast Asia. Senator, I'd like to ask you a couple of specific questions. Could you tell me what you feel is the extent of the involvement of nations other than South Vietnam and the United States in this war, in spite of the propaganda of the Pentagon building and the State Department for over a year now, alleging that North Vietnam is directing the war conducted by the Vietcong in Southeast Asia. I want to say that there is very little fact in that propaganda. Now, there isn't any doubt about the fact that the North Vietnam government has been training South Vietnamese, but we're the last that ought to object to that. In view of the more than $6 billion of American military assistance that we have poured into South Vietnam in violation of the Geneva Accords of 54 and of article after article of the United Nations. What we don't want to face up to it is that we, too, along with North Vietnam, happened to be an outlaw nation in Southeast Asia. We have absolutely no justification under international law for our course of conduct. I have called upon the State Department now for more than a year to submit an international law brief that would set forth a single tenet of international law that would justify a unilateral military course of action in South Vietnam. And they haven't been able to produce the brief because no such tenet of international law exists. We've had a clear duty under the United Nations Charter to take the charges of the violation of the Geneva card by the Communists. The Geneva Accords of 1954 to the United Nations of war determination. Why haven't we done it? We haven't done it because we in the Pentagon building and in the State Department have decided upon unilateral military action. To our everlasting shame, I hate to think of the chapter of American history that's going to be written in the future in connection with our glory in Southeast Asia. Now, let me make perfectly clear, I'm satisfied that North Vietnam, red China undoubtedly does the patent law in Laos and probably on occasion, Cambodia have also violated the Geneva Accords of 1954. But since when have we found a secret formula that says that two wrongs make a right? We ought to have insisted that those violations of the Geneva Accord by the Communists be taken before the United Nations, not ourselves, go in there and make war. And the next major point I want to stress in this bill is that I am satisfied that if we follow our present course of action in Southeast Asia, we're going to end up in a massive war in Asia. We will win every military engagement. We will kill by the thousands and if necessary, the millions communists in North Vietnam and in red China. And we will inherit the hatred of Asia as a legacy to future generations of American boys and girls for a. Thousand years now. I am a great supporter of the prize in the United States and better than 95% of his policies. But I have a trust to short of a declaration of war. This voice of mine is going to be raised in the interests of peace in Southeast Asia and a return by the United States to the framework of international law. Lyndon Johnson can go out of office, one of the great presidents of the United States, but he can go out of office, the most discredited president in the history of the United States, and he will become the most discredited president in the history of the United States. If he leads the United States into a massive war in Asia and endangers the whole world to the possibility of a nuclear war out of which there will be no victory. And also keep this in mind that if we escalate this war and we get involved in a massive war in Asia and we win all the military engagements and we destroy people by the hundreds of thousands, we're then going to have to police Asia for 50 years and we will inherit, as the French learned this sad lesson, the hatred of the Asiatic people and what makes the president of the United States and the war mongers in the State Department and the Pentagon burning believe that we're going to receive any better treatment in Asia. And then the British and the French and the Dutch have received they learn that British and French and Dutch colonialism was a thing of the past. And the United States is going to learn that we cannot set up a form of economic colonialism in Southeast Asia. And furthermore, let me quickly point out this is a civil war, Pentagon building, and the State Department blanch. When you point that out to them in Foreign Relations Committee hearings. But this is a civil war in Southeast Asia. And I think it's a sad thing that it's a civil war that involves communists on one side and a military tyranny on the other. But we have no business involving ourselves in that civil war. Of course, we certainly have no business idea of misrepresenting to the American people that we're in South Vietnam to promote freedom. What freedom? When has there been any freedom in South Vietnam? What we are supporting in South Vietnam is a military tyranny set up by American Puppet, starting with Jem running through one coup after another. And don't forget that we're inheriting the great blunder of John Foster Dulles at Geneva in 1954, when he refused to continue as an active participant in the Geneva Conference of 54 that resulted in the partitioning of Indochina into four parts Laos and North Vietnam and South Vietnam and Cambodia. And when he saw it wasn't going to his liking because he wanted the war in Indochina to continue. And don't forget that sad chapter in his secret diplomacy when he went to London as the secretary of state of the United States and tried to convince Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden that they ought to join with the United States in pledging British boys to a war in Indochina, while he would pledge American boys to a war in Indochina, and then to go across the channel and offer that pledge to the French government that they would stay at war in Indochina. And then and only then after an accomplished fact. But the secretary of state advised the Congress. That's what I call secret diplomacy. That's why you find my voice constantly raised in support of Woodrow Wilson on admirably sound tentative diplomacy of open covenants openly arrived at, and the United States should return to that kind of diplomacy. But John Foster Dulles made that great blunder and then refused to sign the Geneva Accords of 54. We went through and left the deal. Smith As the American observer. Now, we did say that we would treat the contents of the Geneva Accords Treaty of 54 as tenets of international law, but we refused to sign them. And John Foster Dulles persuaded his first puppet. JM The head of the military tyranny in South Vietnam, not to sign the accords either. And so you are involved in this situation in South Vietnam in which we prayed to the world. All we're trying to do is to stop the violations of the Geneva Accords of 54, which we didn't even sign and which our puppet regime, South Vietnam, didn't sign. Instead of living up to our responsibilities of international law, of taking those violations by the other. Countries to the United Nations that have applied to them the rule of law. Now, in essence, that's my position. And all I'm asking for is what Franklin Roosevelt asked for 20 years ago at Tehran and Cairo. I want to re-emphasize that I am pleading for an implementation of Franklin Roosevelt's proposal of 20 years ago with Tehran and Cairo or an international trusteeship in Southeast Asia. I am pleading for a United Nations trusteeship over South Vietnam for as many years as it's going to take to establish a stable government there. In my judgment, we have no other course of action but to follow that rule of law applied to Southeast Asia. Who blocked Roosevelt in Tehran and Cairo? Winston Churchill. He refused to go along. And Franklin Roosevelt pointed out at that time perfectly obvious why the British refused to go along. They were afraid of losing India. They were afraid of losing other colonial possessions in that part of the world. For 20 years later, we know what's happened to the British lion as far as its colonial policies are concerned. They still don't want to face up to the fact that they're going to have to give up what they've got left in Southeast Asia by way of colonial power. Within the next 10 to 20 years. But I want to say that unless we are willing to carry out the Roosevelt ideal, we're going to become guilty, in my judgment, of being the greatest threat to the peace of the world. It's an ugly reality, and we Americans don't like to face up to it. But the unilateral course of action that we're following in Southeast Asia at this very hour makes us the greatest threat to the peace of the world, because we know that the Asians are never going to lay off. They're going to see to it that the white man gets out of Asia as far as any attempt to maintain a foothold there. And so I make a plea that this administration, before it is too late, lay this matter before the United Nations. And I only want to express the hope again that our ambassador at the United Nations, Mr. Stevenson, who has been such a great disappointment in his course of conduct, will try to use his influence to get the other nations of the world to join with us in taking United Nations jurisdiction over Southeast Asia. Senator, what in your mind, were the reasons for the recent bombings of North Vietnam? Well, it's hard to tell what the reasons were because you know what the propaganda is, the allegation that North Vietnam has something to do with the bombing. Well, let them give us some evidence that there are any North Vietnamese there. Let them give us some evidence that there are any North Vietnamese weapons here. In fact, there's a vital statistic I'd have you keep in mind. There is no evidence yet that's been supplied to us that there were any North Vietnamese weapons used. There were American weapons captured from the South Vietnamese. In fact, 80 to 90% of all the weapons involved in the war in Southeast Asia used by the Viet Cong are American weapons that have been captured. The other night I spent 2.5 hours listening to tapes that had been taken out of Southeast Asia by a war correspondent, tapes made by American GI boys at the various battle fronts. Those tapes would make your hair stand on end. Boy after boy asked the question, What are we doing here? What are we over here for? Why don't we get a different type of support than we're getting from the South Vietnamese? One of them pointed out that he was with a squad of Americans that went out with a large group of South Vietnamese soldiers to discover a Viet Cong ambush. And after the first few rifle shots from the jungles, the Vietnamese dropped their weapons, ran into the jungle and left them for the victims to pick up and captured. And this boy said it almost looked as though this was the way the South Vietnamese had him delivering their weapons to the Viet Cong. Don't forget, this is a part of a civil war. Fathers on one side, sons on another, uncles on one side, nephews on another family split. And don't forget, they're all Vietnamese. Do you walk 200 Vietnamese, 50 north and 50 South into this rally? You wouldn't be able to tell the difference. And I think it's most unfortunate that we've ever got ourselves involved in a civil war when our duty is to ask the United Nations to lay it before it for a final determination and the establishment of an attempted establishment of a trusteeship. You say, what should we do about it? Well, let me say to the American people, the first thing we should do is make clear to your government that you. I do not believe that we ought to sacrifice American boys by increasing numbers in a civil war in South Vietnam that we should be willing to join with other nations in trying to maintain peace in South Vietnam, just as the United Nations is doing in the Gaza Strip. Let me give it to the president. Do you think there wouldn't have been a war in the Middle East years ago at the United Nations were not in there as a peacekeeping part? Do you think there wouldn't have been a war in all of Africa if the United Nations hadn't put the Russians out of the Congo when the United Nations took jurisdiction? It's too bad that we didn't stay in through the United Nations longer than we have. And I hope this General Assembly and I wish Mr. Stevenson would go to work on the matter. I hope that this General Assembly will go back in the Congo. Do you think there wouldn't have been a war in the Mediterranean over Cyprus if the United Nations hadn't gone in? Although here the United States and Great Britain had to be kicked in to the United Nations by Russia and France after they lined up strong support of other nations for United Nations jurisdiction over the Cyprus. And I close this film by saying to you, fellow Americans, we've got to face up to the reality of whether or not we're going to keep faith with our professing that we believe in the substitution of the rule of law for military might. If we believe it, then we ought to practice it. And if we're going to practice it, then we ought to stop our unilateral military action in Southeast Asia. Thank you, Senator. I'd like to express my thanks and the honor it has been to have you with us. It's been my pleasure to be with you and.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141357/file/261340#t=13.01,1019.01"}]},{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141357/file/261340/transcript/76204","type":"AnnotationPage","label":{"en":["English [Transcript]"]},"items":[{"id":"https://uoregon.aviaryplatform.com/collections/2300/collection_resources/141357/file/261340/transcript/76204/annotation/2","type":"Annotation","motivation":"subtitling","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/file_transcripts/associated_files/000/076/204/original/trint_001-24-177_transcript.vtt?1740082421","format":"text/vtt","language":"en"},"target":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/file_transcripts/associated_files/000/076/204/original/trint_001-24-177_transcript.vtt?1740082421"}]}]}]}